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Think Again: ‘As Ronald
Reagan Said... Oh Never Mind’
by Eric Alterman | Center for American Progress
Conservative media outlets are falling all over themselves
looking for the “true” heir to Ronald Reagan. (For a telling example see here.)
But one area in which pretty much all conservatives today are completely off
base when it comes to Reaganism is capital-gains taxation.
Take David Frum, who has developed a reputation of late as
being among the most thoughtful of prominent conservative commentators. He has
twice recently made the conservative case for minimal capital-gains taxation here and here.
In doing so, he defends a position held by virtually every conservative (and
would-be Reaganite) in America.
Thing is, Ronald Reagan actually raised capital-gains taxes.
As The New York Times’
Floyd Norris notes,
For most of the history of income taxes in America,
long-term capital gains — defined at different times as investments held for
minimum periods of as little as six months and as long as 10 years — have been
taxed at substantially lower rates than top ordinary income tax rates. But
there was, in fact, only one time that capital gains were taxed at the same
rates that were paid by people who earned their money by working. That was
during the years 1988 to 1990, as a result of the Tax Reform Act of 1986 — a
law championed by President Ronald Reagan.
This constituted a 30-percent increase in their tax rate at
the time. There were good reasons for this, though one is hard-pressed to argue
that Reagan knew what they were at the time. For instance, as Greg Anrig notes (care of a recent column by Paul Krugman):
The tax-favored treatment of capital gains is a notorious
source of complexity in the tax code, diverting the energies of highly paid
accountants and lawyers into wasteful efforts to shelter the incomes of wealthy
clients from taxes. The elaborate tax forms known as Schedule D (“Capital Gains
and Losses”) and Form 8949 (“Sales and Other Dispositions of Capital Assets”)
provide a superficial glimpse at how the differential tax treatment of capital
gains can suck up enormous quantities of time and money for the well-heeled and
their tax pros. But much more costly and wasteful than the tedious forms are
the strategic energies engaged in manipulating income flowing to the wealthy in
ways that minimize tax liabilities.
Anrig cites a study by the Internal Revenue Service that
finds “the primary source of capital gains income has shifted from stocks to
‘pass-through’ entities (gains on assets sold by partnerships, S-corporations,
and estates and trusts),” a development that significantly benefits money
managers who oversee private-equity partnerships. But while these efforts have
demanded “an enormous investment of brainpower, administrative work, and other
energy that has profited individuals engaged in those activities,” there has
been no “discernable payoff to the rest of society. Little of that unproductive
work would continue if capital gains were taxed at the same rates as earnings
from work.”
One undeniable effect of the low rate for capital gains has
been a vast acceleration of the “Hood Robin” legislative process, whereby
lobbyists compel Congress to take from the poor and the middle class and give
to the rich. “Wall Street loves the preferential capital gains rate. All of
America’s 20- or 30 million wealthy small investors love capital gains rates,”
economist Marty Sullivan explained to two Washington Post writers. “It’s
just a tremendously popular item with political contributors. It’s something
that directly impacts every wealthy household in America.”
Far from benefitting most citizens, Jacob Hacker, political
science professor at Yale University and co-author of Winner-Take-All Politics, notes that “Capital gains taxes [are]
actually pretty foreign to the experience of most voters.” He added, “These are
things that are only a concern for those who itemize [their tax returns], which
most Americans don’t,” but “members of Congress themselves, particularly
senators, are well off and they’re more likely to be sympathetic to the
argument for low capital gains.”
And as Forbes editor Robert Lenzner writes,
the richest 0.1 percent of Americans earns half of all capital gains:
Income and wealth disparities become even more absurd if we
look at the top 0.1 percent of the nation’s earners — rather than the more
common 1 percent. The top 0.1 percent — about 315,000 individuals out of 315
million — are making about half of all capital gains on the sale of shares or
property after one year; and these capital gains make up 60 percent of the
income made by the Forbes 400.
Now one might argue that all of this could somehow be
justified if a lower capital gains rate lifted all boats. After all, many, if
not most, Americans are OK with the rich getting richer — as long as the rest
of us do too.
Perhaps some conservatives will argue that “history shows”
this, but they wouldn’t be talking about U.S. history. Again, Greg Anrig writes:
Advocates of the capital gains tax break have claimed for
decades that the exclusion benefits the economy and all workers by encouraging
higher levels of investment and savings, which in turn promote growth and
prosperity. But researchers have never been able to demonstrate that such connections
actually exist. Capital gains tax rates have gone up and down over the years
with little apparent relation to economic performance, aside from fleeting
effects on realization of capital gains when rates change.
Warren Buffett concurs, explaining from personal experience that he has “worked with investors for 60 years and
[has] yet to see anyone — not even when capital gains rates were 39.9 percent
in 1976-77 — shy away from a sensible investment because of the tax rate on the
potential gain. People invest to make money, and potential taxes have never
scared them off.”
Furthermore, The
Washington Post’s Ezra Klein notes that a study by Troy Kravitz and Len Burman of the Urban Institute finds that
over the previous half century there has been zero “correlation between the top
capital gains tax rate and U.S. economic growth — even if you allow for a lag
of up to five years.”
Conservatives used to argue for the value of hard work above
all. But The New York Times’ Norris
reminds us that what we now call “capital gains” and “carried interest” used to
be more accurately termed “unearned income.” He adds, “It does seem odd that
those who work for their money generally pay higher tax rates than those who
simply collect investment income.”
Odd indeed, but no odder, one supposes, than allowing our
political system to be, as Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz argues, “Of the 1
percent, by the 1 percent, [and] for the 1 percent.” After all, as any good
conservative, even Ronald Reagan, could have told you: In politics, as in life,
you get what you pay for.
Eric Alterman is a
Senior Fellow at the Center for American Progress and a Distinguished Professor
of English at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism. He
is also a columnist for The Nation, The Forward, and The Daily Beast. His
newest book is Kabuki
Democracy: The System vs. Barack Obama. This column won the 2011 Mirror Award for
Best Digital Commentary. |